Tuesday 31 January 2017

2008 Financial Crisis

Suleiman Dula, Liam Cunningham, Kelechi Okoye-Ahaneku, Randy Smith Chin, Pushpender Singh


Our group agreed to do background research into the crisis before our meeting on Tuesday. We met in the library to discuss the topic and divide it into subsections. We agreed to focus generally on the origins of the crisis in the United States and the responses of the government there, while also looking at the global consequences. We set up a Facebook chat group and a shared Google doc where we can arrange meetings, and share research and ideas. 

Plan
1. Smith: Introduction and background, deregulation of financial institutions, subprime lending, housing bubble.
2. Kelechi: Trigger of the crisis. 
3. Suleiman: Spread of the crisis beyond the USA, collapse of Icelandic banks, Eurozone crisis. 
4. Pushpender: Responses by the US government to contain the fallout - bailout of the banks, new legislation under the Obama administration to tackle deregulation. 
5. Liam: Long-term effects on the financial industry, further responses by the government, effects on the global economy, on politics. Conclusion. 




2008 European Debt Crisis: Iceland



2008 European Debt Crisis: Iceland




Group Members
Iesha-Marie Walker
Edie Bensley
Gloria Manu
Arjun Robertson
Chloe Harrison-Steward
Nadine P.c.r. Benck


We came together as a group to discuss what we have read on the Icelandic financial crisis. Once we finished our discussion we divided up the work into sub-topics. We set up a google document so that we can all start writing and editing our work. We also arranged a regular meeting time and set up a group chat so that we can constantly communicate with each other.  


Iesha-Marie Walker: Introduction/Specifically focusing on the background of the financial crisis in Iceland and some of the main causes that led up to the crisis.


Edie: I will be writing about three main causes of the crisis: the political influence, the government’s inexperience in finance/banking, and the structure/size of the national economy pre-crisis.  


Gloria: I will be researching about the structural changes that the Icelandic financial system went through during privatisation and what the aims were.


Nadine: I will be researching the shift within the national food industry post crisis. And possible look into tourism and its relation to foreign investment.


Chloe: I will be focusing on the effects, causes and impact of the financial crisis within the sector of environmental renewable energy sources and how it relates to Iceland’s changes in standards in living and quality of life.

Arjun: I will be summarising the financial products made internationally available which, alongside rising interest rates caused from an increase in pricing, provided incentive for foreign investment i.e. from the UK and the Netherlands. From this I will assess to what extent the impact of foreign investment upon Iceland’s economy was direct/had a paradoxical effect on its decline.

THE END OF BRETTON WOODS CRISIS

The crisis of the dollar in the 1970s

As a group we have meet up and discussed some of the significant diagnosis and causes of the crisis: 
  • over evaluation of the dollar
  • abrupt withdrawal of the gold standard
  • oil shock
  • over consumption of the military
  • running a balance of payment deficit
  • circulation of money: inflation

Each member will be assigned on a weekly basis a new topic to research about, to aid in composing our overall report. Every week we aim to build on our knowledge of the crisis, and work towards providing the specific responses that addresses the causes and provide medium and long term recommendations. We will all meet up to give feedback on our individual research on assigned topics which will then assist one member of our group to write their individual section in the policy brief.
 

Group Members:
Mehraj Zaman -
Unal Azaoglu -
Angela Dang -
Holly Hart -
Zulekha Beverley Masih -

1929 Great Depression learning journal 1

Group members:
  • Poppy Harris
  • Sachi Alexander-Annan
  • Joseph O’Brien
  • Robert Boyle
  • Luca Pancaldi
  • Fritzi Furstenburg

How is the work being split? 

So far we have decided that each week we will all go and research the same topic individually, consolidating it together when we meet (usually on Monday late afternoons and Wednesday afternoons, as well as after the lecture if we see fit). This will give each member of the group a more thorough understanding of the topic rather than if we just took one element each. We have also decided that those who are better at the technical aspects of finance (i.e. Rob, Fritzi Luca and Joe) will be better at focussing on this aspect, whereas Poppy and Sachi are confident in the more qualitative element; i.e. the executive summary, background and conclusion, and piecing together the brief. 
We have put together some sources for the background element of the project which are in a list on a joint Google document which everyone has editing access to. 

Research tasks

Each group member will take a small part of each section, as we go through the policy brief. For example, at the moment we are focussing on the background aspect of the policy report, but we will split this between us based on a smaller chunks which we will then consolidate into one piece. We are aiming to have the background section around 1200 words. We will attempt to make our research around 300 words for each section, as having too much is better than having too little. 

  • Poppy: the prosperous ‘20s, but the hidden factors that was ignored by economists that led to smaller recessions (such as 1927); interwar lending to EU countries and the implications for the US after the WWI
  • Sachi: changes in tactics of financial houses (aggressive lending through recruitment); agriculture
  • Luca: smaller banks;  cultural changes
  • Fritzi: wall street crash; collapse of European banks; deflation 
  • Rob: gold standard; housing
  • Joe: Woodrow Wilson protectionist measures

Monday 30 January 2017

After the Great Complacence- Introduction and Chapter 1: A Brief Summary

Engelen et al.’s ‘After the Great Complacence: Financial Crisis and the Politics of Reform’ (2011)

When drafting a book about how finance caused the financial crisis, the authors became increasingly troubled about the way that other authors were framing it. Instead of simply identifying what went wrong or who was to blame, Engelen et al. wanted to provide a third kind of revisionist story which identified the crisis as an elite debacle associated with failed interventions. Therefore, this book attempts to frame the financial crisis in political terms, as part of a much larger current problem about how and why the democratic system of political competition is not working to articulate alternatives and solutions.

The opening of the first chapter asks ‘how and why was the crisis an elite debacle?’. The chapter aims to make a case by framing the ‘miscalculation by policy elites and the catastrophic consequences for the public at large’, in order to explain why a new politico-cultural approach is required for present-day capitalism.

The opening section looks at the pre-2007 story of the Great Complacence, which is the name given to this period when ‘central bankers, regulators, and senior economists in international agencies repeated the same reassuring but ill-founded stories about the benefits of financial innovation and the ‘Great Moderation’’. This follows the undermining of public regulation of finance which started in the 1980s during the Thatcher and Reagan revolution. This era reflected a general belief that financial markets must be left to their own devices in order to improve their robustness, efficiently allocate capital, and give the best social outcomes. However, the technocrats’ claims in the 2000s were based on little evidence.

It goes on to describe how ‘econocrats’ at the top used their authority and credentials to transfer the assumptions of neoclassical economics into stories for ordinary people about the advantages of financial innovation and deregulation. They use Ben Bernanke, the Chair of the Federal Reserve, as an example of this type of elite technocrat.

The problem was that in the lead up to the crisis, the econocrats’ misguided information was not prevented, firstly, by the public who during a time of economic prosperity thought their stories seemed plausible. Towards the end of the 20th century, finance had been democratised in the sense that increasingly more ordinary people were becoming consumers of savings and credit products. Experts were able to express, and endlessly repeat, their pro-finance arguments in a way that the masses would agree with.

Secondly, central bankers and economists receive very little, if any, punishment for their misjudgments, despite the huge consequences that they may place on society. This signals loose standards of performance, competence and accountability within the elite financial professions.

The latter section of the chapter investigates the nature of the crisis after 2008 in order to justify terming it a ‘debacle’. Engelen et al. mainly justify it for loosely three main reasons:
  1.    It was the same financial institutions who were telling pro-finance innovation stories before the crash, who had to humiliatingly calculate the disastrous costs of the crash immediately afterwards. What Mervyn King and Ben Bernanke a few years earlier had been calling a ‘beneficial process’, had now caused huge national debts. 
  2.    These technocrats had ‘failed in their duty as public servants, which was to protect citizens from the predations of capitalist business which privatises its gains to the benefit of employees and owners and socialises its losses at the expense of taxpayers and public service consumers’.
  3.    This disaster is not one that can be easily fixed. This particularly resonates when reading the book five years after its writing, when the economy is still recovering from the crisis.

The authors criticise the UK and the US for failing to deliver reform. In order to prevent future crisis, the power of these elite actors needs to be reduced and alternative policy solutions need to be developed in order to insert a system of democracy into the financial system. However, they are not ignorant to the fact that constituting this reform is very difficult.

A quote which I think particularly summarises the authors’ overall argument is:

‘The central twentieth-century achievement of the high-income societies was, one way or another, to use democracy to secure mass social welfare in various post-1945 settlements. The twenty-first century issue we now face is whether we can use democracy to control and redirect the finance sector’.  

Derivatives as the New Gold Standard

Article Presented: 
Financial Derivatives: The New Gold? by Dick Bryan and Micheal Rafferty

This article attempts to draw functional links between Gold under the Gold Standard, the U.S. dollar under Bretton Woods and Financial Derivatives as the next or current way in which we peg or anchor monetary value.  Due to our current globalising society and economy Bryan and Rafferty both believe that Financial Derivatives are now a more current, realistic and productive tool in which to anchor our economy.

There are several reasons behind their hypothesis listed within this article, one being that within the current system, a more “flexible, floating anchor that reconciles so-called ‘real’ and ‘monetary’ phenomena” is required instead of the stable and fixed nature of Gold.  “The effect of derivatives is not to move financial markets towards ‘fundamental value’, but to commensurate the value of all financial assets, including currencies.”  This increases freedom of the market, competition, productivity as well as labour flexibility.

Their argument is backed up by the notion of floating exchange rate in the 1970s leading to an urge to find a constant, ‘fundamental value’ as well as the theory of Asset Pricing and Exchange Rates which demonstrates the unproportioned representation between reality and the neo-classist theory of the time.

Derivatives would play to roles as an anchoring device, to blend and to bind.  Forms of derivatives such as Options and Futures, establish pricing relationships that tie the future to the present or one place to another.  Forms like Swaps, create pricing relationships that readily convert between different forms of assets.  Binding compensates for any absence of stability and Blending acts as an anchor for global finance.  Derivatives allow for “currency values to be measured, not just in relation to other currency values, but in relation to all other forms of financial assets.”


Forms of Derivatives:  There are two Basic Categories.

Forwards: Any contracts that is bought at a current, set price to be delivered in the future

            Includes: Futures Contracts, Over-the-Counter Forward Contracts

Options: Any contracts that allows (but does not need to include) that one or both parties obtain certain benefits under certain conditions.
           
            Includes: Interest-Rate Options, Commodity Options

Most derivatives are traditionally used to increase leverage, and manage potential risks.

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Bryan, D. & Rafferty, M.  "Financial Derivatives: The New Gold?" Competition and Change. W.S. Maney & Son Ltd. 10.3, pg. 265-282 (2006).  Web.

Levinson, M.  Guide to Financial Markets.  Profile Books Ltd, The Economist Group Ltd (2014).  Print.

Derivative Markets

by Kelechi Okoye-Ahaneku

Levinson. M. (2014) Economist Guide to Finance, Chapter 9 “Derivatives Markets” (253-274)

According to Levinson, the derivative market is the fastest-growing part of the financial markets in recent years.Over-the-counter derivatives are transactions negotiated privately between two parties, known as counter parties, without the intermediation of an exchange. In general, one of the parties to a derivatives transaction is a dealer, such as a bank or investment bank, and the other is a user, such as a non-financial corporation, an investment fund, a government agency, or an insurance company. The term derivatives refers to a large number of financial instruments, the value of which is based on, or derived from, the prices of securities, commodities money or other external variables.Derivatives fall into two basic categories: 

1)Forwards- these are contracts that set a price for something to be delivered in the future.
2)Options- these are contracts that allow, but do not require, one or both parties to obtain certain benefits under certain conditions. The calculation of an option contracts’s value must take into account the possibility that this option will be exercised

  • The derivatives market barely existed in the late 1980’s.The business is seen to have burgeoned in the 1990’s as investors discovered that derivatives could be used to manage risk or, if desired, to increase risk in the hope of earning a higher return. Derivatives trading has also been controversial, because of both the difficulty of explaining how it works and the fact that some users have suffered large and highly publicised losses. Whats more is that derivatives can allow banks and companies to take risks that are not clearly disclosed on financial statements, and can provide a means of circumventing regulations that restrict investments by insurance companies, government agencies and other entities. The notional principal, or face value, of outstanding over-the-counter derivatives was $633 trillion at the end of 2012
  • Types of Risk
  • Counterparty risk- For all exchange-traded options, the exchange itself becomes the counterparty to every transaction once the initial trade has been completed, and it ensures the payment of all obligations. This is not so in the over-the-counter market, where derivatives are normally traded between two businesses. 
  • Price risk- A derivatives dealer often customises its product to meet the needs of a specific user. This is unlike exchange-traded options, whose size, underlying and expiration date are all standardised.
  • Legal Risk- Where options are traded on exchanges, there are likely to be laws that clearly set out the rights and obligations of the various parties. The legal situation is often murkier with regard to over-the-counter derivatives.
  • Settlement risk-The exchange makes sure that the parties to an option transaction comply with their obligations within strict time limits. This is not the case in the over-the-counter market. Its seen that central banks in the biggest economies have been trying to speed up the process of settling claims and paying for derivative transactions, but participants are still exposed to the risk that transactions will not be completed promptly.
  • Types of Derivatives
  • Forwards- Forwards are seen to be the simplest variety of derivative contract. A forward contract is an agreement to set a price now for something to be delivered in the future.
  • Interest-rate swaps- An interest-rate swap is a contract between two parties to exchange interest-payment obligations. Most often, this involves an exchange of fixed-rate for floating-rate obligations. For example, firm a, which obtained a floating-rate bank loan because fixed-rate loans were unattractively priced, may prefer a fixed payment that can be covered by a fixed stream of income, but firm B right prefer to exchange its fixed-rate obligation for a floating rate to benefit from an anticipated fall in     interest rates. 
  • Currency swaps - Currency swaps involve exchanging streams of interest payments in two different currencies.   If interest rates are lower in the euro zone than in the UK, for example, a British company needing sterling might find it cheaper to borrow in euros and then swap into sterling. The value of this position will depend upon what happens to the exchange rate between the two currencies concerned during the life of the derivative.
  • Interest-rate options-This category involves a large variety of derivatives with different types of optionality. A cap is an option contract in which the buyer pays a fee to set a maximum interest rate on a floating-rate loan
  • Commodity derivatives-Commodity derivatives function much as commodity options, allowing the buyer to lock in a price for the commodity in return for a premium payment. Commodity options can also be combined with other sorts of options into multi-asset options.
  • Equity derivatives - Over-the-counter equity derivatives are traded in many different ways. Synthetic equity is a derivative designed to mimic the risks and rewards of an investment in shares or in an equity index.
Credit derivatives - Credit derivatives are a comparatively new development, providing a way to transfer credit risk, the risk that a debtor will fail to make payments as scheduled. The instrument used for this purpose is a credit default swap. Credit default swaps provide for the seller to pay the holder the amount of forgone payments in the event of certain “credit events” which cause a particular loan or bond not to be serviced on time.


Derivatives have also left its mark on the financial markets. Indeed, the global market for derivatives covers just about every asset in the world and there are even derivatives for hedging against the weather. Since derivatives essentially are traded on the basis of the value of the underlying asset, any disproportionate fall in the value of the underlying asset would cause a crash in the derivatives designed for that purpose. And this is what happened in the summer of 2007 when the housing market in the US started to go bust. Of course, the clever bankers had devised derivatives for such an eventuality as well and this was seen as an acceptable way of hedging risk. So, the obvious question is that if both sides of the risk have been hedged, then there should not have been a bust in the derivative market. The answer to this is that those investment banks and hedge funds that had found the right balance between the different hedging instruments survived the crash whereas the other banks like Lehmann that were highly leveraged because of their exposure to the subprime securities market collapsed.

Its a Man's World: New Feminist Economic Geographies

Feminist Political Economy and the Financial Crisis: Constructing new Economic Geographies
By Sarah Vowden

Jane Pollard's analysis of the financial crash in 2008 looks towards the critical analyses of feminist political economy in adopting alternative economic geographies to resist the oppressive domination of financial capital. One of the most potently cultural signifiers of the crisis has been the hyper-masculinisation of finance or the proliferation of "testosterone capitalism" that feminist political economy as critiqued, specifically the masculine association of 'risk'. There has also been a shift in the ways economic geographers seek alternative narratives to understand the inherent masculinity of financialisation, specifically looking at the global south to link how macro-economic analysis can be informed by the micro-politics of struggle, particularly regarding gendered and racial oppression. For example, much of the rhetoric surrounding the Asian financial crisis of the 1990's surrounds the idea that classic markers of instability such as asset price bubbles were purely a system of the global south and their "oriental" values, despite the fact that Thailand, Indonesia and Korea capitalised their accounts due to pressure from the IMF whereas India and China, who did not avoided the worst of the crisis.

Image result for bankers

One of the areas in which feminist analysis is important for the de-construction of masculine finance is through the critique of economics' rational emphasis on the 'individual' and particularly problematizes social capital theory. The conception of the autonomous human being and the 'male breadwinner' bias in which the household is universally conceptualised has led to asymmetric economic outcomes, specifically for women. Feminist theory has significantly fought for the expansion of the economic realm of work, to include unpaid domestic labour. Vitally a feminist analysis of macroeconomic policy leads to a more humane concept of economic distribution instead of labouring to the rhetoric of 'scarcity' and 'growth'.

Data shows that financial crises have affected women exponentially compared with men - for example after the 1990's Asian crisis, 7 times more women in Korea were laid off work compared with men. In the 2008 crash, the shocks were also felt by women in the global south which affected manufacturing work and the tourist industry in these countries. In the north, the segregation of gendered occupations, and the vulnerability of those in which women tend to make up the largest proportion of these workforces, particularly in retail and the public sector in which 143,000 jobs were lost between 2008 and 2011 in the UK. The suppression of wages, the privatisation of social reproduction and austerity cuts have also exponentially affected women, often because they are more likely to take up part-time employment due to domestic and childcare needs. The neoliberalisation of government also has dissolved the redistributive qualities of the welfare state and instead opted one on the basis of assets, shifting the "passivity" of the welfare state to an "active" asset management, and are embedded in the encouragement of "save and invest" which has gendered implications.

Economic migration flows, in attempt to reinvigorate domestic prosperity is also enhancing the old credit-debt imperialism between the global North and south which again asymmetrically affects women. Feminist scholarship which harbours a critical postcolonial understanding of contemporary capitalism applies a Marxist critique of the market mentality (masculine) prevailing over the othered state (feminine). There is a significant move towards the "financialization of everyday life" which has several implications but most importantly reflects Marx's concerns that "labour is not only ‘doubly free’ in the labour market – in that workers are both separated from the means of production and ‘free’ to sell their labour power" a "freedom" that is now applied to the Finacialisation of the economy, through the extraction of household surpluses. For feminist scholars, the household is a significant site of analysis of gendered, racial and class inequalities and a site in which the uneven outcomes of credit and debt.

Ultimately Pollard rightly argues that the focus need not be so much on the re-regulation of finance but by its re-politicisation.  As Mohanty argues, "we need to explore what and how new femininities are being produced in debates about financialization, in addition to the ubiquitous sex worker, teenage factory worker or domestic that populates globalization literatures". The literature around economic empowerment is deepening the inequalities of the poorest women in the world as finance embeds itself in all aspects of domestic life. A feminist analysis of the financial crisis thus broadens the moral and cultural questions surround debt that policy makers need to embrace to create a more human economic system.

1990's Japanese Financial Crisis Learning Journal 1

1990s Japanese Financial crisis

Shaun Balderson - Context.
Samiah Anderson - Diagnosis of the problem/cause.
Sarah Vowden - Solution/Policy
Richard Adomako - Solution/Policy
Trudy Akobeng - Solution/Policy
Katherine Whitaker- Recommendations/what can the rest of world learn from the crash/policies.

The team has organised two meetings as well as set up a facebook group and shared google docs folder to share ideas, notes and readings.

Shaun Balderson: - I have attended all meetings for the group project. My role is to research and provide the context section. It will cover the period running up to the crash, a brief paragraph of why the crash happened (something that will be covered in much greater detail by Samiah), before then discussing the crashes size and scale, where Japan's economy is post crash compared to pre-crash and the role of the Japanese financial crisis in the wider Asian/global financial crisis.
-       I have undertaken various readings surrounding the topic and am hoping to provide a written draft of my section in the coming week.
-       Additionally, I have purchased two books in order to aid our team. i) Japan's Financial Crisis and Its Parallels to U.S. Experience (Special Report) and ii) Japan's Financial Crisis: Institutional Rigidity and Reluctant Change (Princeton Paperbacks).


Richard Adomako
Unfortunately, I was unable to attend the group meeting although I was able to gain information about what was discussed. The group was broken up into specific focus sections with which I have been tasked with solution/policy recommendations for the Japan Crisis of 1990’s. From there my research topic will be looking at the successful policies employed by the Australian government during the same time period and over the same type of financial crisis. Specifically, that is looking at how the ‘liquidity trap’ occurred in the Japanese/Australian economies and what policies allowed the Australians to thrive whilst Japanese continued to strive.

Samiah Anderson:
My role in this report project is to build upon the context/background of the report to create a diagnosis of the significant causes of Japan’s 1990s Financial Crisis. I have begun initial research and reading around the role of interest rates for Japan’s Financial Crisis.
 I have set up a Facebook group after the group’s initial meeting to keep communications in the group as effective as possible.
In addition: I am proud to report that I have purchased 1) Keynote for Mac software onto my laptop and 2) Inforgraphics for Keynote, which I plan to use once Shaun, has completed the background/context section. Essentially, I hope work with everyone to create infographics to present and visualize empirical data presented in each main section of the report. I have no doubt that the presentation of our report is going to look rather spiffy.

Katherine Whitaker:
Over the last two weeks I have been doing broad research of the period of Japanese financial crisis known as the ‘Lost Decade’. We are all doing research as a group but also each of us have taken on different tasks in order to fully understand the crisis, as a solid knowledge of the context, causes of and responses to the Japanese financial crisis is necessary in order to come up with recommendations as to how to avoid repeating the mistakes that were made. After Shaun has provided the context, and Samiah has diagnosed the problems, Richard, Sarah and Trudy will look at three solutions that were taken and their results. Once we have this knowledge, I will then be able concentrate my research to come up with policy recommendations for the future of banking, and to suggest what the rest of the world can learn from the events surrounding the ‘Lost Decade’.

Sarah Vowden:
Over the first few weeks of the project, I have been generally reading about the Japanese crisis in order to gain an understanding of the context in which the crisis has happened and the Government responses that were taken as an attempt at reinvigorating the Japanese Economy. This has been through the use of various sources such as articles and documentaries. Once Shaun and Samiah have structured the context and Diagnosis of the problem, then we can have discussions around the policy recommendations that we would like to make, to which will involve expanding my reading to look in detail at a particular solution. In the next few weeks I will focus my research towards these aims and also look through other policy reports to understand the most appropriate ways to write policy recommendations.

Trudy Akobeng:
In our first meeting the group decided to present a policy report on the 1990's Japanese financial crisis. We agreed to familiarise ourselves with the crisis and think about what section of the policy report we would most like to focus on. In our second meeting we allocated a person per section: myself, along with Richard and Sarah are going to research what policies were implemented at the time. Before the next meeting I plan to have a specific policy that I want to focus on in our policy report.







Economist Guide to Finance, Chapter 9 ‘Derivatives Markets’

Levinson, M. (2014) Economist Guide to Finance, Chapter 9 ‘Derivatives Markets’ (253-274)

By Shaun Balderson


The term derivatives refers to a large number of financial instruments whose value is based on or derived from, the prices of securities, commodities, money or other external variables. Derivative trading is often attractive to investors due to how they can be involved in risk management, hedging, leveraged speculation and arbitrage.


However, whilst derivatives have made it possible for firms and governments to manage risks. Derivatives are far from riskless. They are often far too complex and difficult to understand. Dealers often do not fully understand what they are selling and buyers often do not fully understand what they are buying.  Because of this derivatives have come to public attention in recent years largely because of a series of losses from derivative trading and their role in a high number of financial disasters. For example, Metallgesellschaft lost 1.9billion in 1993, due to poor investments within the derivative market (particularly around oil futures). Procter and Gamble admitted to losing $157 million dollars and Gibson lost $20 million dollars due to complex ratio derivative trading. Barings, the British investment bank collapsed in February 1995 as a result of a $1.47 billion loss in exchange-trading options. Alike, Sumitomo, the Japanese trading company lost $3billion from derivatives and transactions.  Because of this aforementioned failure, derivatives are said to have played a key role in the financial crisis that crippled Thailand in the summer of 1997.


Derivatives have two basic categories
  1. Forwards: contracts that set a price for something to be delivered in the future.
  2. Options: contracts that allow, but do not require, one or both parties to obtain certain benefits under certain conditions. The value of an options contracts value must take into account the possibility that this option will be exercised.


Option trading only came around in 1973, when officials in the US approved a plan by the Chicago Board of Trade, a futures exchange, to launch an options exchange. Since then as investors have turned to the financial markets to help manage risk, options trading has become hugely popular. The value of contracts traded on options exchanges worldwide has increased from $52 trillion in 1996 to $71 trillion in 1998, before falling back to $62 trillion in 1999.


Most widely traded types of options
  • Equity options (entitles the owner to buy or sell a certain number of common shares in a particular firm)
  • Index options (based on an index of prices - any index as long as its value is continuously determined in a market.)
  • Interest rate options (comes in two varieties) 1) Bond options (based on the price of government bonds, which moves inversely to interest rates) 2) Yield options set by deducting the interest rate from 100) (Example; $1m*(100-the rate).  In this nominal value declines as the interest rate rises.
  • Commodity options (allows the buyer to lock in a price for a commodity in return for a premium payment)
  • Currency options


New types of options
  • LEAPS (long term equity participation securities - options that can last for up to three years into the future)
  • Flex Options (non standard expiration dates and prices)

Gains and losses
  • On balances there is no net gain or loss. However, one party's gain is always equal to another party's loss. No limit to someone's profit - no limit to someone's loss.

3 styles of options
  • American style options (exercised at any time before their expiration date)
  • European style options (exercised at any time near their expiration date)
  • Cap options (have a predetermined cap price)

Jane Pollard - Gendering Capital

BLOG – WEEK 4 – Friedrich Fürstenberg
Jane Pollard - Gendering capital: Financial crisis, financialization and (an agenda for) economic geography

Jane Pollard starts her work with a very interesting statistic contemplating the devastating consequence of the financial crisis (2008). “In the UK alone, government bailouts, cash injections and other guarantees for the banks have reached £1.162 trillion” (p. 403). She furthermore suggests that one of the main triggers leading to the crises was the role of masculinity in the financial sector, also understood as “gentlemanly capitalist” or “testosterone capitalism”(p.404). Pollard explains that economic decisions are not only based on rational thought but also on gender. The main argument she aims to construct in this paper is that there were gendered dynamics that took place and can be regarded as a important cause for the crises.

Pollard explains that there has been a shift in financial crises over the course of history in terms of geography. While the main crises used to hit the global north there has been a shift towards the global south. She argues however, that feminist researchers have argued that one should not only look at the consequences regarding the south but also focus on gender issues. It is apparent that the gender role gets neglected in the north and this aspect needs more attention. After the Bretton Woods agreement the financial system transformed to neoliberal deregulation, which eased capital mobility and trade. Through deregulation financial institutions were able to take more risks, however, became increasingly dependent on debt-financed consumer demand. The consequence of is that it has given the financial sector more powers as it allows them privatize state industries. Pollard argues that feminist literatures have exposed gendered “models, methods, assumptions and practices” (p.406). Furthermore, certain theories such as the socialist capital theory or the ideology that human beings are autonomous are problematic in terms of gender. The social influence and the concept of trust is solely based on male dominance in the finance world. Moreover, there are biases in terms of neoclassical growth and macro-economic adjustment policy. Feminists have argued that there is a concept of a ‘male breadwinner bias’. A good example highlighting this is when Pollard argues that women in the Asian financial crises were far more likely to become unemployed. She argues that “Women working in so-called informal work, or in home-based enterprises or piece-rate work – low paid and usually lacking any non-wage benefits – are especially vulnerable to economic downturns” (p. 409). This is an important point because it demonstrates that males have a more secure position in the employment market.

Another point that Pollard makes is that as a cause of increased production as a cause of demand, has created inequalities for women in developing nations. The “access to education, food and medical care is being reduced to many parts of the world”(p. 410), this is due to rising prices and charges for public service. The consequence is the withdrawal from school to help in household tasks and the first victims tend to be females. Furthermore Pollard explains more recent and postcolonial gender struggles in terms of economic-geographical research. One of the main features that feminists focus on is the movement beyond formal spaces of waged work. She addresses the importance of everyday practices of “informal production, caring, love and reciprocity” (p. 412). It is essential to regard the diversity in households and how that directly influences financial networks. Feminists argue that households shape power relations “gender, class and generation” (p.413). The rise of asset inflation, such as a home for instance, becomes a speculative asset and a second income, yet, lastly creates unbalances in gender. If a male is the owner of a property it weakens the position of the women, as they are not the legal owners.

Pollard achieves to offer a broader empirical scope of economic geography and suggests that gender needs to be considered. The role of the female is often bias in the financial sector, an example of this is the following: “In discussions of financial elites, men are frequently cast as testosterone-fuelled, competitive and risk seeking, while women are often characterized as ‘emotional’” (p.415) The work allows the reader to understand that gender is an important factor when analyzing the financial sector, however, the discourse is often neglected. She also argues that the subprime crises should be used as an opportunity to look at broader cultural and moral shifts. Feminist literature can be a key resource in understanding economic geography and to moreover to have a critical response to recent developments.